Part A: Time Period 275-325

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Re: Part A: Time Period 275-325

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Regarding this text, in an appendix supplied by Optatus, Vassall-Phillips writes, "It is to be found, though under a slightly different form, in the collection of Canons of Merovingian Gaul, where it has been derived, not from African sources, but from the Archives of the Church of Arles." The text from Optatus cuts off early with an "et cetera," while the canons omit much of the start of the letter. I will break up the letter found in Optatus' appendix to number the items corresponding to the canons.

One notable thing about the text is its focus on outward practice, rather than belief, which is consonant with (pre-Christian) Roman religion. No item speaks of a required belief or creed, except as subordinate to the concerns about the practice of rebaptism, and there only requiring one "to have been baptized into the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit" or to receive baptism with such a formula. There is no attempt to work out the theological meaning of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, only a requirement that a baptismal creed formula have the three. This addresses a concern of the schism regarding rebaptism, practiced by the "Africans."

In this regard, it is similar to the first 21 canons attributed to the Council of Elvira: https://web.archive.org/web/20120716202 ... Canons.htm

The concerns of the schism with betrayers/traitors is taken up under "Concerning those who are said to have handed over the Holy Scriptures or sacred vessels or the names of their brothers..." Given the proximity in time to the persecution itself, this shows that some had handed over scriptures, along with other items being confiscated, such as things made of valuable silver and gold.

https://www.tertullian.org/fathers/opta ... ndices.htm

(xv) Letter of the Council of Arles [314]

To the most beloved Pope Silvester: Marinus, Acratius, Natalis, Theodore, Proterius, Vocius, Verus, Probatius, Caecilian, Faustinus, Surgentius, Gregory, Reticius, Ambitausus, Termatius, Merocles, Pardus, Adelfius, Hibernius, Fortunatus, Aristasius, Lampadius, Vitalis, Maternus, Liberius, Gregory, Crescens, Avitianus, Dafnus, Orantalis, Quintasius, Victor, Epictetus, eternal health in the Lord!

Being united by the common tie of charity, and by that unity which is the bond of our mother, the Catholic Church, we have been brought to the City of Arles by the wish of the most pious Emperor, and we salute thee with the reverence which is thy due, most glorious Pope. Here we have suffered from, troublesome men, dangerous to our law and tradition----men of undisciplined mind, whom both the authority of our God, which is with us, and our tradition and the rule of truth reject, because they neither have reasonableness in their argument, nor any moderation in their accusations, nor was their manner of proof to the point. Therefore by the Judgement of God and of Mother Church, who knows and approves her own, they have been either condemned or rejected. And would, most beloved Brother, that you had deemed it well to be present at this great spectacle. We believe surely that in that case a more severe sentence would have been passed against them; and our assembly would have exulted with a greater joy, had you passed Judgement together with us. But since you were by no means able to leave that region, where the Apostles daily sit, and their blood without ceasing bears witness to the glory of God, it did not seem to us that by reason of your absence, most well-beloved Brother, we ought to deal exclusively with those matters, on account of which we had been summoned, but we judged that we also should take counsel on our own affairs; because, as the countries from which we come are different, so events of various kinds will happen which we think that we ought to watch and regulate. Accordingly we thought well in the presence of the Holy Spirit and His Angels that from among the various matters which occurred to each of us, we should make some decrees to provide for the present state of tranquillity. We also agreed to write first to you, who hold [the government of] the greater dioceses, that by you especially they should be brought to the knowledge of all. What it is that we have determined on, we have appended to this writing of our insignificance.

[1] But in the first place, we were bound to discuss a matter that concerned the usefulness of our life. Now since one died and rose again for many, the same season should be observed with a religious mind by all at the same time, lest divisions or dissensions might arise in so great a service of devotion. We judge, therefore, that the Pasch of the Lord should be observed throughout the world upon the same day.

[2] Also, concerning those who have been ordained clerics in any places whatsoever, we have decreed that they remain fixed in the same places.

[3] Concerning those too who throw down their arms in time of peace, we have decreed that they should be kept from communion.

[4] Concerning the wandering agitators who belong to the Faithful, we have decreed that, as long as they continue their agitation, they be debarred from communion.

[5] Concerning the strolling players we have decreed that, as long as they act, they be debarred from communion.

[6] Concerning those [heretics] who are weighed down by illness and wish to believe, we have decreed that hands be laid upon them.

[7] Concerning magistrates who belong to the Faithful and are appointed to office, we have determined that, when they are promoted, they should receive ecclesiastical letters of communion, but in such a way that in whatever place they may be living, the Bishop of that place shall have a heed to them, and if they begin to act against discipline, they be then excluded from communion.

[8] We have decreed similarly with regard to those who wish to hold state offices.

[9] Moreover, with regard to the Africans, inasmuch as they use their own law of rebaptising, we have decreed that if any heretic comes to the Church, he should be questioned concerning the Creed, and if it be found that he has been baptised in the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost, hands shall be laid upon him and no more. But if, on being questioned as to the Creed, he does not give the Trinity in answer, then let him rightly be baptised, and the rest, etc.

https://www.fourthcentury.com/arles-314-canons/

The assembly of bishops who were gathered at the town of Arles, to our lord and most holy brother Sylvester:

That which we in common council have decreed, we hereby make known to your most esteemed person, so that also <all> the bishops might know what ought to be observed in the future.

1. In the first place, concerning the celebration of Easter Sunday: That it be observed by us on one day and at one time in all the earth, and that you should send out letters to all, as is the custom.

2. Concerning those who have been ordained ministers in certain places: They are to continue to serve in those same places.

3. Concerning those who lay down their weapons in peacetime, be it resolved that they be excluded from fellowship.

4. Concerning charioteers who are among the faithful, be it resolved that as long as they continue to drive in chariot races they be excluded from fellowship.

5. Concerning actors, be it further resolved that as long as they continue to carry on that occupation they be excluded from fellowship.

6. Concerning those who in time of sickness wish to confess the faith, be it resolved that they ought to receive the laying on of hands.

7. Concerning officials who are among the faithful who serve in the government, be it is resolved thus, that when they are transferred, they should receive letters of reference from their churches, so that, therefore, in whatever places they serve, they can be cared for by the bishop of that place, and when they begin to act against the church’s discipline, that only then they be excluded from fellowship.

8. Similarly also concerning those who wish to pursue a public career.

9 (8). Concerning the Africans who use their own special law in that they practice rebaptism, it is resolved that if any come to the church from heresy, they question him on the creed (used at his baptism), and if they consider him to have been baptized into the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit, let him only receive the laying on of hands so that he receive the Holy Spirit; but if when questioned he does not solemnly confess this Trinity, let him be baptized.

10 (9). Concerning those who carry letters from the confessors, be it resolved that, when they have handed over those letters, they receive other letters of reference.

11 (10). Concerning those who apprehend their wives in adultery, and the same persons are faithful youths and are prevented from marrying (again), be it resolved that, as much as is able, they be counseled not to take other wives while their own wives are still living, even if the latter are adulterous.

12 (11). Concerning young women among the faithful who are getting married to unbelievers, be it resolved that they be excluded from fellowship for a considerable period of time.

13 (12). Concerning clergy who lend money at interest, be it resolved that, in accordance with the divinely given model, they be excluded from fellowship.

14 (13). Concerning those who are said to have handed over the Holy Scriptures or sacred vessels or the names of their brothers, be it resolved by us that any of those who from the public records, not from words alone, are discovered to have done so be removed from the office of the clergy. But if that same person who was exposed has ordained others, and the affairs of those ordained are all in order, let their ordination not be revoked. And whereas there were many who seemed to fight against the church and who thought they could disprove the accusations made against them by the testimony of paid witnesses they should not be cast out altogether, but only, as stated above, if their guilt is shown by public records.

15 (14). Concerning those who have falsely accused their brothers, be it resolved that they not be given fellowship as long as they live.

16 (15). Concerning deacons who we have learned are conducting services in many places, be it resolved that this ought to happen as little as possible.

17 (16). Concerning those who have been excluded from fellowship because of their own wrongdoing, be it resolved thus, that in whatever place they have been excluded, they must be re-admitted to fellowship in that same place, so that no bishop oversteps another bishop.

18. Concerning the deacons of a city: That they not presume too much for themselves, but reserve honor for the presbyters, so that they do nothing of importance without the presbyter’s knowledge.

19. Concerning foreign bishops who are accustomed to come into a city, be it resolved that they be given a place where they can conduct services.

20. Concerning those who assume that they have the right individually by themselves to ordain a bishop, be it resolved that no one presume to do this by himself; but only if there are an additional seven bishops with him; if, however, it is not possible <to have seven present>, they dare not ordain someone with less than three bishops present.

21. Concerning presbyters and deacons who were accustomed to leave the place where they were ordained and have gone to different <places>, be it resolved that they serve in those places; but if, they leave these places and wish to transfer themselves to yet another locale, they should be deposed.

22. Concerning those who apostasize and never present themselves again to the church, neither seeking to do acts of repentance nor even afterwards; if then they are seized by sickness and seek to be received into fellowship, be it resolved that they not be given fellowship, unless they recover their strength and bring forth fruits worthy of repentance.

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Re: Part A: Time Period 275-325

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This literary text provides a picture of a persecution under Diocletian, undertaken by edict. It refers to "the house in which the Christians were accustomed to meet." It's notable for the status given to readers, who are said to have had the texts of the Christians (here called "writings of the law and anything else you have here") and to have been registered with a public office. The lists of objects that are taken focus on listing gold and silver first, especially cups, jugs, and lamps. The cups, sometimes made of gold, were of value and were being seized by edict. The reference to gold cups here brings to mind the reference to the "Sacred Chalice" mentioned by Optatus in (xiv).

(xvi) Munatius Felix [303], from the appendix of Optatus [ca. 365-390]

A. D. Lee, Pagans and Christians in Late Antiquity, pp. 68-69

From the records of Munatius Felix, priest [of the provincial imperial cult] for life (flamen perpetuus) and senior magistrate (curator rei publicae) of the colony of Cirta, on the 14th day before the Kalends of June when Diocletian was consul for the eighth time and Maximian for the seventh [19 May 303]. When he came to the house in which the Christians were accustomed to meet, Felix, priest for life and senior magistrate, said to Paul the bishop, ‘Bring out the writings of the law and anything else you have here, as has been decreed, so that you can obey the edict.’ Paul the bishop said, ‘The readers have the writings. But we give what we have here.’ Felix, priest for life and senior magistrate, said to Paul the bishop, ‘Point out the readers or send for them.’ Paul the bishop said, ‘You know them all.’ Felix, priest for life and senior magistrate, said, ‘We do not known them.’ Paul the bishop said, ‘The public office knows them, that is the notaries Edusius and Junius.’ Felix, priest for life and senior magistrate, said, ‘Leaving aside the matter of the readers, whom the public office will identify, give what you have.’

Paul the bishop presided, along with the presbyters Montanus, Victor, Deusatelius and Memorius, and the deacons Mars and Helius helped, together with the subdeacons Marcuclius, Catullinus, Silvanus and Carosus, and Januarius, Meraclus, Fructuosus, Miggo, Saturninus, Victor and the other grave-diggers, and Victor son of Aufidus kept a record, which was, in brief, as follows: 2 gold cups, 6 silver cups, 6 silver jugs, a silver container, 7 silver lamps, 2 candle-holders, 7 short bronze lampstands with their lamps, 11 bronze lamps with their chains, 82 women’s tunics, 38 cloaks, 16 men’s tunics, 13 pairs of men’s shoes, 47 pairs of women’s shoes, 19 thongs.

Felix, priest for life and senior magistrate, said to Marcuclius, Silvanus and Carosus, the grave-diggers [sic – read ‘subdeacons’], ‘Bring out what you have.’ Silvanus and Carosus said, ‘We have turned out everything that was here.’ Felix, priest for life and senior magistrate, said to Marculius, Silvanus and Carosus, ‘Your answer is preserved in the record.’ After empty bookcases were found in the library there, Silvanus brought out a silver container and a silver lamp which he said he had found behind a large pot. Victor son of Aufidus said to Silvanus, ‘You would have been dead if you hadn’t found those.’ Felix, priest for life and senior magistrate, said to Silvanus, ‘Look more carefully, to ensure that nothing else remains here.’ Silvanus said, ‘Nothing else remains, we have brought out everything.’ When the dining room was opened, 4 containers and 6 large pots were found there.

Felix, priest for life and senior magistrate, said, ‘Bring out the writings which you have, so that we can obey the edicts of the emperors and their decree.’ Catullinus brought out one very large book. Felix, priest for life and senior magistrate, said to Marcuclius and Silvanus, ‘Why have you produced only one book? Bring out the writings which you have.’ Catullinus and Marcuclius said, ‘We do not have any more, because we are subdeacons; but the readers have the books.’ Felix, priest for life and senior magistrate, said to Marcuclius and Catullinus, ‘Point out the readers!’ Marcuclius and Catullinus said, ‘We don’t know where they live.’ Felix, priest for life and senior magistrate, said to Marcuclius and Catullinus, ‘If you don’t know where they live, tell me their names.’ Catullinus and Marcuclius said, ‘We are not traitors. Here we are - order us to be killed.’ Felix, priest for life and senior magistrate, said, ‘Arrest them’ …

And when they came to the house of Felix the tailor, he brought out five books, and when they came to the house of Victorinus, he produced eight books; and when they came to the house of Projectus, he brought out five larger and two smaller books; and when they came to the house of the grammarian, Felix, priest for life and senior magistrate, said to Victor the grammarian, ‘Bring out the writings you have, so that you can obey the edict.’ Victor the grammarian brought out two books and four notebooks. Felix, priest for life and senior magistrate, said to Victor, ‘Bring out the writings, for you have more.’ Victor the grammarian said, ‘If I had more, I would have handed them over’ …

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Re: Part A: Time Period 275-325

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Notable for its reference to people being made to sacrifice when presenting themselves in court.

(xvii) P. Oxy. 2601, Letter of Copres

Greek and Latin Letters, pp. 54-55

Kopres to his sister Sarapias, very many greetings. Before all else, I pray for your good health before the Lor(d) G(o)d. I want you to know that we arrived on the 11 th and it became known to us that people presenting themselves in court are being made to sacrifice and I made a power-of-attorney in favour of my brother and so far we have accomplished nothing, but we instructed an advocate on the 12 th (?), so that the case about the land could be brought in on the 14th. If in the event that we accomplish anything, I'll write to you. I've sent you nothing since I found Theodoros himself setting out. I'll send them to you by another hand soon. Write to us about the health of all of you and how Maximina has been and Asena. And if it's possible let him (her?) come with your mother so that his (her?) leukoma can be cured, because I've seen others cured myself I pray that you are well; my best wishes to all our friends by name.

Reverse: Del(iver) to my sister, f(rom) Kopr(es) 99.

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Re: Part A: Time Period 275-325

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Notable for its reference to martyrdom.

(xviii) Lucian to Antioch [ca. 303-312], quoted in Chronicon Pascale [ca. 630-640]

Concerning this innumerable throng of martyrs the presbyter Lucian, writing to the Antiochenes, declared, "The whole choir of martyrs jointly sends you greetings. I bring you good news that Father Anthimus has met his end in the race of martyrdom."

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Re: Part A: Time Period 275-325

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Notable for attributing the baptism of Contantine to Eusebius of Nicomedia in 337.

Other sources, such as Theophanes, assert a revisionist claim that Constantine was baptized earlier by Sylvester in Rome, saying that a baptism by Eusebius of Nicomedia was an "Arian" falsehood.

(xix) Chronicon Pascale [ca. 630-640]

The Persians declared war against the Romans, and Constantine, who had reached year 32 of his rule, set out for the east against the Persians; when he had gone as far as Nicomedia, he gloriously and piously quitted life in a suburb of the same city, on 11th in the month Artemisius [May], having been vouchsafed the saving baptism by Eusebius bishop of Constantinople, after a reign of 31 years and 10 months.

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Re: Part A: Time Period 275-325

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As part of his polemic against "Arianism," Athanasius provides information regarding the baptism of Constantine's son, Constantius.

(xx) Athanasius, De Synodis 31 [ca. 361]

https://www.tertullian.org/fathers2/NPN ... -04-64.htm

Because then of the extreme shamelessness of their blasphemy they were called by all Anomoeans, having also the name of Exucontian, and the heretical Constantius for the patron of their irreligion, who persisting up to the end in irreligion, and on the point of death, thought good to be baptized; not however by religious men, but by Euzoius, who for his Arianism had been deposed, not once, but often, both when he was a deacon, and when he was in the see of Antioch.

Recorded likewise in Chronicon Pascale [ca. 630-640] as follows:

At the beginning of the fourth indiction, because the rebellion of Julian Caesar had been reported to him, he came to the springs of Mompsus at the first staging-post from Cilician Tarsus; after he had first received the holy baptism from Euzoius bishop of Antioch, who was summoned to the same staging-post by the same Constantius, the same Constantius Augustus quitted life on day 3 in the month Dius [November], year of Antioch 410, indiction 5, when year 50 of the peace of the churches had been reached, under the aforenamed consuls Taurus and Florentius.

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Re: Part A: Time Period 275-325

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Epiphanius in his Panarion describes the controversy over Melitius vs Peter in Alexandria (the "Melitian" schism) in terms that are strikingly similar to the dispute between Majorinus and Caecilian in Carthage (the "Donatist" schism). In each case, the side loudly calling themselves "Catholic" (although both may have claimed the word) favored being more forgiving and understanding of those who betrayed the faith and handed over treasures and texts. The focus of the edict of Diocletian on taking away valuables (found in iv, xiv, xv, and xvi) meant that the leaders in charge of those valuables were the ones who were targeted, and so their ability to return to leadership is in question. A power struggle ensued between those who wanted to retain their positions and those, supported by the enthusiasm enjoyed in favor of martyrs, who challenged them and claimed that those positions belonged to them and only those whom they ordained.

Epiphanius makes a point of saying that Melitius was "orthodox" in his doctrine and "belonged to the catholic church." He gives the contrasting names of the groups as the "Catholic Church" and "Church of the Martyrs." Epiphanius also claims that "the majority of bishops, presbyters and the other orders sided with Melitius; but a very few, bishops and a few others, < went > with Peter the archbishop." Such a description of greater local support for the "Church of the Martyrs" is similar to what was happening in the area around Carthage, where Constantine and his son found it impossible to impose unity.

(xxi) Epiphanius, Panarion 2.68 [ca. 375-380]

1,1 There is a party of Melitians in Egypt whose founder was Melitius, a bishop in the Thebaid. He belonged to the catholic church and was of the orthodox faith, for his faith did not vary in any way from that of the holy catholic church. (2) Melitius was a contemporary of Hieracas, flourished at the same time as he, and became his successor. He was also a contemporary of St. Peter the bishop of Alexandria. (3) And all of these lived during the persecution in the reigns of Diocletian and Maximian. The affair of Melitius took place as follows. ...

2,2 There was a disturbance over this among the martyrs and no little trouble. For some said that persons who had once fallen away, denied the faith, and failed to maintain their courage or take part in the contest, should not be allowed penance. Otherwise the ones who were still left would have less regard for the penalty, and would be misled because of the forgiveness so speedily accorded the others, and come to the denial of God and the enormity of paganism. And the thing that was said by the confessors themselves was reasonable. (3) Those who said this were Melitius and Peleus, and more of the other martyrs and confessors with them. And since they had shown their zeal for God they obviously convinced < many > by saying it.

2.4 They also went on to say, “If penance should be granted them after some time when the persecution is over, when peace has been restored — provided that they truly repent and show the fruit of repentance — it certainly should not mean that each be taken back in his own order. They may be received into the church and its communion after an interval, < but > into the order < of laity >, not as clergy.” And this showed respect for the truth and was full of zeal.

3.1 But the most holy Peter, a kindly man and like a father to all, begged and pleaded, “Let us receive them and set them a penance if they repent, so that they will hold by the church, and let us not turn them out of their offices either” — or so I have been told. “Otherwise they < will be > disgraced, and those who, from cowardice and weakness, were once shaken and undermined by the devil, may be perverted entirely because of the delay, and not healed [at all]. As the scripture says, ‘Let that which is lame not be turned out of the way; but let it rather be healed.’ ”

3.2 And Peter’s argument was on the side of mercy and kindness, and that of Melitius and his supporters on the side of truth and zeal. Then and there the schism started up, in the form of the seemingly godly proposals of both parties; with some saying one thing, some the other.

3.3 For when Peter the archbishop saw that Melitius’ party withstood his kindliness and were carried to extremes by their zeal for God, he
himself hung a curtain in the middle of the prison by spreading out an himation — that is, a cloak or pallium — and proclaimed < through > a deacon, “Let those who are of my opinion come here to me; and let those who are of Melitius’, to Melitius.”

3.4 And the majority of bishops, presbyters and the other orders sided with Melitius; but a very few, bishops and a few others, < went > with Peter the archbishop. And after that the one group prayed by itself and the other by itself, and in the same way each held its other services separately.

3.5 Peter’s martyrdom came and the blessed man was perfected, leaving Alexander as his successor in Alexandria. For he succeeded to the throne after Peter. (6) But Melitius and many others were sentenced to exile, and banished to the mines at Phaeno.

At that time those who were dragged off because of being confessors < went into schism > with Melitius. Melitius himself, in prison < and > on his journey as he passed through every country and area, ordained clergy — bishops, presbyters and deacons — and founded his own churches. And the first group would not communicate with the second, nor the second with the first. (7) But each put a sign on its own church. Those who held the existing, old churches in succession from Peter, labeled theirs, “Catholic Church”; Melitius’ succession labeled theirs, “Church of the Martyrs.” (8) And so Melitius ordained many clergy in this way at Eleutheropolis, Gaza and Aelia, on his arrival.

3,9 Melitius served further time in the mines. Afterwards, however, the confessors were released from the mines, those of Peter’s party — for there were still many — and those of Melitius’. For they did not communicate or pray with each other even in the mines. But it was given Melitius to live in the world for a while longer, so that he flourished at the same time as Peter’s successor, Alexander, and was on good terms < with him >. And he was anxious over the state of the church and the faith; for I have frequently said that he held no divergent beliefs.

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Re: Part A: Time Period 275-325

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Like the Chronicon Pascale in (xix), Epiphanius here makes it evident that Eusebius of Nicomedia had access to the emperor. Unlike the Donatists, the Melitians thus successfully approached Constantine and received permission to assemble by themselves.

The stuff about Arius is written through the viewpoint that he had promoted an "Arian" heresy, which could be considered anachronistic or "Athanasian" in nature. We'll have to look into Athanasius further.

(xxii) Epiphanius, Panarion 2.68 [ca. 375-380]

During this affair Paphnutius, John and < the > others had occasion to spend some time in Constantinople and Nicomedia. They became friends at this time with the bishop of Nicomedia, Eusebius, told him their story — they knew he had access to the emperor Constantine — and asked for his introduction to the emperor. (2) But after promising to present them to the emperor and do what they asked, he made this request of them — that they receive Arius, who was falsely feigning repentance, into communion with them. (3) They promised him, and then Eusebius brought them to the emperor and explained their situation to him; and the emperor granted the Melitians permission to assemble by themselves from then on, without disturbance from anyone.

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Re: Part A: Time Period 275-325

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The controversy regarding leaders who had lapsed under the persecutions was apparently not limited to areas such as Carthage and Alexandria. In other places also, new leaders were taking control over churches by accusing the previous leadership of cowardice. We see such an example in Theodotus, who is able to depose Stephen as bishop of Laodicea in Asia Minor. This is the same Theodotus who was a friend of Eusebius of Caesarea and to whom Eusebius would make dedications.

(xxiii) Eusebius, Church History, 7.32.22-23 [ca. 313-324]

22. And after Anatolius had departed this life, the last bishop of that parish before the persecution was Stephen, who was admired by many for his knowledge of philosophy and other Greek learning. But he was not equally devoted to the divine faith, as the progress of the persecution manifested; for it showed that he was a cowardly and unmanly dissembler rather than a true philosopher.

23. But this did not seriously injure the church, for Theodotus restored their affairs, being straightway made bishop of that parish by God himself, the Saviour of all. He justified by his deeds both his lordly name and his office of bishop. For he excelled in the medical art for bodies, and in the healing art for souls. Nor did any other man equal him in kindness, sincerity, sympathy, and zeal in helping such as needed his aid. He was also greatly devoted to divine learning. Such an one was he.

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Re: Part A: Time Period 275-325

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Paulinus, bishop of Tyre, also received a dedication from Eusebius of Caesarea. This is relevant in sorting out the personalities of the time.

(xxiv) Eusebius, Church History, 10.1.2 [ca. 324]

Since in accordance with your wishes, my most holy Paulinus, we have added the tenth book of the Church History to those which have preceded, we will inscribe it to you, proclaiming you as the seal of the whole work; and we will fitly add in a perfect number the perfect panegyric upon the restoration of the churches, obeying the Divine Spirit ...

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