I do not see a Barabbas/Barnabas connection myself, but I did learn from the Couchoud and Stahl analysis of Barabbas which I read from an earlier recommendation from you (“Jesus Barabbas”, Couchoud and Stahl, 1930 [eng. trans.
https://vridar.org/wp-content/uploads/2 ... ngl.pdf%5D). The key point is that Barabbas is another version of Jesus which conflicts with the version in which Jesus is crucified. These two versions do not derive from distinct figures, nor are they to be harmonized as if both are aspects of a single true narrative. Rather, the negative portrayal of Barabbas in the Gospels’ Passion story reflects contemporary extant stories or versions of Jesus’s fate, one in which Jesus was crucified, another in which Jesus was not. Furthermore, the version in which Jesus had not been crucified was no trivial alternative or fringe story but held by significant sectors of proto-christians as early as can be known, one stream of which survives to the present day in a major world religion, Islam, which regards Jesus as a holy man who had not, however, been crucified. This ancient belief should not uncritically be assumed to be fringe or secondary or a marginal oddity, simply because those who held that view did not win the 2nd CE heresy-defining wars.
It is possible that neither of these two conflicting and alternative versions of Jesus’s fate is derivative from the other, in keeping with a range of ancient comparative examples concerning conflicting reports of deaths and legend generated therefrom, e.g. Alexander son of Herod and Miriam (Ant 17.324-338 [in passing I am surprised that historians have so readily accepted Josephus’s source’s claims of imposture in this case founded solely upon–as represented–the wise Augustus Caesar’s claim of suspicion and the confession of the unfortunate man under threat of death if he did not confess, against–according to the account–then-universal Jewish claims and popular hopes raised saying he was Alexander, saved by others having been killed in the place of him and his brother thereby deceiving Herod, and his identity believed by all Jews even “those who had been very intimate with Alexander”]); Nero’s suicide/flight east]; Niger the Perean [Pseudo-Hegesippus]; Josephus [War 5.541-547]; to these perhaps add Jesus). Arguably, it was the 2nd CE victory of catholic Christianity and its texts–as well as the Tacitus passage–which established the perception to historians and scholars to the present day that the crucifixion of Jesus was the most historical of facts about Jesus,
and the other ancient, early, widespread story of a Jesus who was not mythical but whose crucifixion was, to be rejected as an ancient curiosity or frivolous tale.
The story of Niger the Perean, told in Pseudo-Hegesippus (the early 1575-1579 edition “A Compendious and Most Marueilous Historie…”, pp. 85-86, not the later translation of Blocker which inexplicably omits most of the relevant story), is especially interesting and entertaining as a comparison. Niger, a commander and military hero of the Revolt in 66 CE, is reported and believed and lamented as dead in battle at Ashkelon. But later he is found astonishingly to have survived in a cave within an area destroyed by fire by the Romans, regarded as a miracle, with Niger peshering his own survival in terms of divine will that he live to destroy more Romans, to the praise and rejoicing of all who heard the story. (Compare Gospel stories of Jesus peshering his post-crucifixion appearances.)
I have not seen noticed before in discussions of Barabbas that Josephus may be one of those who understood and told the version in which Jesus was not crucified (War 2.261-263; 6.300-305). This possibility draws first from the work of Lena Einhorn (A Shift in Time, 2016) in arguing that Jesus of the Gospels belongs in the 50s CE in terms of political context and the Egyptian false prophet, and then the work of Theodore Weeden (The Two Jesuses, 2007) discussed earlier on Vridar, of Josephus’s story of a trial of a Jesus which correlates so strikingly to the Gospels’ trial of its Jesus that literary borrowing is presumed. However, unlike the Passion story of the Gospels, the trial of Josephus’s Jesus of ca. 62 CE did not result in a crucifixion but instead a Barabbas-release outcome (because the Roman governor wanted to save Jesus from his accusers on the grounds that Jesus was an idiot, in the version of Josephus [War 6.300-309]). Admittedly it is only the Gospels, and not Josephus, which link the themes of the Egyptian false prophet (said in Acts 21:38, whether rightly or wrongly, to be a leader of Sicarii) and the subsequent trial of Jesus who is released not crucified. The Jesus of Josephus has a message sounding exactly like the Olivet prophecy of Jesus of the Gospels, and it is more or less standard current scholarship that Jesus’s Olivet prophecy originated later than 30 CE when scholars suppose Jesus “really” lived (based on the Gospels and other testimony derivative from the Gospels). Josephus says in conclusion of his story of the war that this Jesus–who like Barabbas was released and uttered prophecies like the Olivet prophecy–was a more fearful sign or omen than any other of the miraculous omens of Jerusalem’s destruction listed by Josephus (War 6.300).
Josephus also has what reads to me as what may be a second account, a doublet, of the Egyptian-uprising (Ant. 20.188, cp. War 2.259-260). In the second account the leader is killed in the crushing of the insurrection, whereas the first account reflecting more accurate information says that whereas many of the Egyptian’s supporters were killed and dispersed, the Egyptian false prophet himself escaped alive (War 2.263; Ant 20.169-171), his fate untold.
As for the Pilate dating of Jesus, one possibility that occurs to me is that that came into Christian historiography and texts via an original Josephus Testimonium, situated by Josephus in its present position in Greek mss. at Ant 18.63-64 at the time of Pilate (18.55-62), and that Josephus put it there because he was referring to Jesus’s birth at that time. There already is a scholarly theory that the associated Paulina stories of Josephus, which immediately follow the Testimonium in Antiquities, are an aspersion on the Christian virgin birth story of Jesus (Albert Bell, “Josephus the Satirist? A Clue to the Original Form of the ‘Testimonium Flavium'”, JQR 67 [1976]: 16-22).
What has not received attention at all in any discussion of the Testimonium–so far as I can tell–is that the existing Testimonium in the standard Greek text of Antiquities, of the Loeb edition et al, directly says, in direct reading of the Greek text at Ant 18.63–that Jesus was born “about this time”, the time of Pilate. Ginetai de kata touton ton chronon ‘Iesous… “About this time was born Jesus…” All classical Greek lexicons on the Perseus Digital Library site appear unanimous in saying that when the verb gignomai, of which ginetai is 3rd masc. sing. present indicative, is followed by the name of a person, it means “born” at that time, e.g. Middle Liddell: “of persons, to be born … of things, to be produced… of events, to take place”. By this seemingly plain reading it is Jesus’s birth which is the expressed tag of Josephus’s attention and would explain why Josephus originally placed a passage beginning with “about this time Jesus was born” at the time of Pilate at the time that Jesus was born. Following the Testimonium Josephus has an immediately following story that may be–some read it as–debunking the Christian virgin birth story. A dating of Jesus’s birth around the time of Pilate would be compatible with activity of that Jesus in the 50s or 60s CE. My article making the case that Josephus’s John the Baptist passage is a chronologically dislocated tradition of the death of Hyrcanus II (in Pfoh and Niesiolowski-Spanò, eds, Biblical Narratives, Archaeology, and Historicity: Essays in Honour of Thomas L. Thompson, 2020) I think has removed the security of assumption that there was a John the Baptist in the 20s-30s CE,
thereby removing that perceived support for dating Jesus’s activity to that time.