Pope St Clement 1

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MrMacSon
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Pope St Clement 1

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The online Catholic Encyclopedia has this -
Martyrdom

Of the life and death of St, Clement nothing is known. The apocryphal Greek Acts of his martyrdom were printed by Cotelier in his "Patres Apost." (1724, I, 808; reprinted in Migne, P.G., II, 617, best edition by Funk, "Patr. Apost.", II, 28). They relate how he converted Theodora, wife of Sisinnius, a courtier of Nerva, and (after miracles) Sisinnius himself and four hundred and twenty-three other persons of rank. Trajan banishes the pope to the Crimea, where he slakes the thirst of two thousand Christian confessors by a miracle. The people of the country are converted, seventy-five churches are built. Trajan, in consequence, orders Clement to be thrown into the sea with an iron anchor. But the tide every year recedes two miles, revealing a Divinely built shrine which contains the martyr's bones. This story is not older than the fourth century ...

... St. Clement is first mentioned as a martyr by Rufinus (c. 400). Pope Zozimus in a letter to Africa in 417 relates the trial and partial acquittal of the heretic Caelestius in the basilica of St. Clement; the pope had chosen this church because Clement had learned the Faith from St. Peter, and had given his life for it (Ep. ii). He is also called a martyr by the writer known as Praedestinatus (c. 430) and by the Synod of Vaison in 442. Modern critics think it possible that his martyrdom was suggested by a confusion with his namesake, the martyred consul. But the lack of tradition that he was buried in Rome is in favour of his having died in exile.

http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/04012c.htm [bold and paragraphing by me]
Prior -
Identity

Origen identifies Pope Clement with St. Paul's fellow-labourer (Philippians 4:3, "..help these women since they have contended at my side in the cause of the gospel, along with Clement and the rest of my co-workers, whose names are in the book of life."), and so do Eusebius, Epiphanius, and Jerome — but this Clement 'was probably a Philippian'.

In the middle of the nineteenth century it was the custom to identity The Pope with the consul of 95, T. Flavius Clemens [a nephew [or maybe great-nephew] of Vespasian], who was martyred by his first cousin, the Emperor Domitian. But the ancients never suggest this, and The Pope is 'said to have lived on till the reign of Trajan'. It is unlikely that he was a member of the imperial family. The continual use of the Old Testament in his Epistle suggested to Lightfoot, Funk, Nestle and others that he was of Jewish origin ...

http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/04012c.htm ['scare' quotation marks mine]
Last edited by MrMacSon on Wed Sep 12, 2018 4:41 am, edited 3 times in total.
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Re: Pope St Clement 1

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.

Interestingly, 'Clement of Alexandria' (Greek: Κλήμης ὁ Ἀλεξανδρεύς; c. 150 – c. 215) was also named Titus Flavius Clemens
  • (ie. the same name as the late first century consul some have speculated might have been Pope Clement (Latin: Clemens Romanus; Greek: Κλήμης Ῥώμης; died 99)).
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Re: Pope St Clement 1

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MrMacSon wrote: Sun Aug 19, 2018 4:34 pm .

Interestingly, 'Clement of Alexandria' (Greek: Κλήμης ὁ Ἀλεξανδρεύς; c. 150 – c. 215) was also named Titus Flavius Clemens
  • (ie. the same name as the late first century consul some have speculated might have been Pope Clement (Latin: Clemens Romanus; Greek: Κλήμης Ῥώμης; died 99)).
The Clement from the Pauline letter has certainly been speculated to be identical with Clement of Rome; the consul has been speculated by a few to be identical with Clement of Rome; and of course the consul and the Alexandrian father share this name, Titus Flavius Clemens. Serious question: other than this fleeting overlap, how often has Clement of Rome been confused with Clement of Alexandria? (I do not mean simply reading the name "Clement" and momentarily wondering which one was meant; I mean actually confusing the biographical details, writings, or legends of the two men.)
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Re: Pope St Clement 1

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The Catholic Encylopedia page for Pope St. Clement I also says -
Basilica

... The lower church was built under Constantine (d. 337) or not much later. St. Jerome implies that it was not new in his time: "nominis eius [Clementis] memoriam usque hodie Romae exstructa ecclesia custodit" (Illustrious Men 15). It is mentioned in inscriptions of Damasus (d. 383) and Siricius (d. 398). De Rossi thought the lowest chambers belonged to the house of Clement, and that the room immediately under the altar was probably the original memoria of the saint. These chambers communicate with a shrine of Mithras, which lies beyond the apse of the church, on the lowest level. De Rossi supposed this to be a Christian chapel purposely polluted by the authorities during the last persecution. Lightfoot has suggested that the rooms may have belonged to the house of T. Flavius Clemens the consul, being later mistaken for the dwelling of the pope; but this seems quite gratuitous. In the sanctuary of Mithras a statue of the Good Shepherd was found.
http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/04012c.htm

The Wikipedia page for T. Flavius Clemens, consul 95-99 AD/CE, says -
To 'this Clemens' in all probability is dedicated the Basilica of San Clemente al Laterano, on the Caelian hill, which is believed to have been built originally in the fifth century
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Titus_Fla ... s_(consul)
and the wikipedia page for that basilica says it is dedicated to Pope Clement I.


The Wikipedia page for T. Flavius Clemens, consul 95-99 AD/CE, also says -
According to Cassius Dio, Clemens was put to death on a charge of 'atheism', for which, he adds, many others who went over to the Jewish opinions were executed [Roman History lxvii. 14].
Could that be a reason for this Clemens to be claimed [and rewritten] as a character in a preliminary Christian narrative?
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Re: Pope St Clement 1

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For posterity, the genealogy for T. Flavius Clemens, consul 95-99 AD/CE, is confusing, largely there was a Titus Flavius Sabinus who was 'father of the martyred Clemens' (and elder brother of the Emperor Vespasian) and also a T. Flavius Sabinus who is said to have been 'the elder brother of the martyred Clemens'.

Wikipedia says there were four people named Titus Flavius Sabinus in the mid to late 1st century CE -

Titus Flavius Sabinus was the name of several notable Ancient Romans, including:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Titus_Flavius_Sabinus


However the Wikipedia entry for Titus Flavius Clemens, consul 95-99 AD/CE, says he was son of the Titus Flavius Sabinus who was consul in AD 69 and a brother of Titus Flavius Sabinus, consul in AD 82, which would probably make him a great-nephew of Vespasian. A lot of their genealogies is attributed to --
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Re: Pope St Clement 1

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Ben C. Smith wrote: Sun Aug 19, 2018 4:42 pm
MrMacSon wrote: Sun Aug 19, 2018 4:34 pm
Interestingly, 'Clement of Alexandria' (Greek: Κλήμης ὁ Ἀλεξανδρεύς; c. 150 – c. 215) was also named Titus Flavius Clemens
  • (ie. the same name as the late first century consul some have speculated might have been Pope Clement (Latin: Clemens Romanus; Greek: Κλήμης Ῥώμης; died 99)).
The Clement from the Pauline letter has certainly been speculated to be identical with Clement of Rome; the consul has been speculated by a few to be identical with Clement of Rome; and of course the consul and the Alexandrian father share this name, Titus Flavius Clemens.

Serious question: other than this fleeting overlap, how often has Clement of Rome been confused with Clement of Alexandria? (I do not mean simply reading the name "Clement" and momentarily wondering which one was meant; I mean actually confusing the biographical details, writings, or legends of the two men.)
(I missed this while organising my posts) I've wondered the same thing, Ben.
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Re: Pope St Clement 1

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I also wonder about the significance of the mention of a Clement in the Shepherd of Hermas, at the end of Vision 2 -
4[8]:1 Now, brethren, a revelation was made unto me in my sleep by a youth of exceeding fair form, who said to me, "Whom thinkest thou the aged woman, from whom thou receivedst the book, to be?" I say, "The Sibyl" "Thou art wrong," saith he, "she is not." "Who then is she?" I say. "The Church," saith he. I said unto him, "Wherefore then is she aged?" "Because," saith he, "she was created before all things; therefore is she aged; and for her sake the world was framed."

4[8]:2 And afterwards I saw a vision in my house. The aged woman came, and asked me, if I had already given the book to the elders. I said that I had not given it. "Thou hast done well," she said, "for I have words to add. When then I shall have finished all the words, it shall be made known by thy means to all the elect.


4[8]:3 Thou shalt therefore write two little books, and shalt send one to Clement, and one to Grapte. So Clement shall send to the foreign cities, for this is his duty; while Grapte shall instruct the widows and the orphans. But thou shalt read (the book) to this city along with the elders that preside over the Church.

http://www.earlychristianwritings.com/t ... tfoot.html [likewise http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/02011.htm]
Clement of ... ?

The Shepherd of Hermas refers to a nonspecific Clement; Paul refers to a nonspecific Clement in Philippians 4:3, along with women who have 'contended' at his side "in the cause of the gospel" and "the rest of his co-workers 'whose names are in the book of life'."

Irenaeus refers to Clement, in the third place from the apostles, allotted the bishopric..

layering? successive embellishing?
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Re: Pope St Clement 1

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MrMacSon wrote: Sun Aug 19, 2018 5:07 pm I also wonder about the significance of the mention of a Clement in the Shepherd of Hermas, at the end of Vision 2 -
4[8]:1 Now, brethren, a revelation was made unto me in my sleep by a youth of exceeding fair form, who said to me, "Whom thinkest thou the aged woman, from whom thou receivedst the book, to be?" I say, "The Sibyl" "Thou art wrong," saith he, "she is not." "Who then is she?" I say. "The Church," saith he. I said unto him, "Wherefore then is she aged?" "Because," saith he, "she was created before all things; therefore is she aged; and for her sake the world was framed."

4[8]:2 And afterwards I saw a vision in my house. The aged woman came, and asked me, if I had already given the book to the elders. I said that I had not given it. "Thou hast done well," she said, "for I have words to add. When then I shall have finished all the words, it shall be made known by thy means to all the elect.


4[8]:3 Thou shalt therefore write two little books, and shalt send one to Clement, and one to Grapte. So Clement shall send to the foreign cities, for this is his duty; while Grapte shall instruct the widows and the orphans. But thou shalt read (the book) to this city along with the elders that preside over the Church.

http://www.earlychristianwritings.com/t ... tfoot.html [likewise http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/02011.htm]
Clement of ... ?

The Shepherd of Hermas refers to a nonspecific Clement; Paul refers to a nonspecific Clement in Philippians 4:3, along with women who have 'contended' at his side "in the cause of the gospel" and "the rest of his co-workers 'whose names are in the book of life'."

Irenaeus refers to Clement, in the third place from the apostles, allotted the bishopric..

layering? successive embellishing?
I have seen the Clement from the Shepherd of Hermas and Clement of Rome united as follows. The Shepherd was probably written in Rome; Clement of Rome, of course, hails from Rome. But the Roman letter to the Corinthians does not attribute itself to Clement or to anybody in particular; the Clement in the Shepherd, however, is a correspondent with foreign cities; if having the Shepherd copied and sent out to other cities is part of his job then surely having official letters copied and sent out would be, as well. This would presumably explain the connection of Clement to the epistle despite his name not being attached. Only later was Clement retroactively promoted to pope (= bishop of Rome), and only later was it assumed that the letter was written during his papacy, when in actuality it was written merely during his tenure as foreign correspondent for the church of Rome.
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Re: Pope St Clement 1

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And let us not forget that there is a Hermas mentioned in Romans 16.14, too.
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Re: Pope St Clement 1

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Ben C. Smith wrote: Sun Aug 19, 2018 6:12 pm
I have seen the Clement from the Shepherd of Hermas and Clement of Rome united as follows. The Shepherd was probably written in Rome; Clement of Rome, of course, hails from Rome. But the Roman letter to the Corinthians does not attribute itself to Clement or to anybody in particular; the Clement in the Shepherd, however, is a correspondent with foreign cities; if having the Shepherd copied and sent out to other cities is part of his job then surely having official letters copied and sent out would be, as well. This would presumably explain the connection of Clement to the epistle despite his name not being attached. Only later was Clement retroactively promoted to pope (= bishop of Rome), and only later was it assumed that the letter was written during his papacy, when in actuality it was written merely during his tenure as foreign correspondent for the church of Rome.
I think that is a likely scenario. Clement might have been connected to the Roman epistle to the Corinthians and allotted the bishopric at the same time, too.

My new-found interest, Jörg Rüpke's Pantheon, has some interesting comments on Hermas and Clement. While the following is about Hermas and Clement, it is, like a lot of Pantheon, involved and convoluted.

Rüpke said reception of Hermas was responsible for the copying and writing of further biblical epics, and inspired the numerous acts of martyrs [perhaps he more or as much inspired narratives about such acts, whether real or not].

As background, Rüpke talks about a tradition in the Hellenistic Age where anonymous or pseudonymous authors in the eastern Mediterranean wrote oracular texts, “Sybilline books,” and apocalypses such as 4 Ezra, Enoch, and the Apocalypse of St. John; all of them with a clearly anti-Roman bent, just as their predecessors had had an anti-Hellenistic bent. Their authors were likely members of the former elite, who no longer shared in governing and now therefore branded the regime with the stigma of foreign rule. In order to be rid of unwanted but authoritative texts such as these, Augustus and Tiberius examined and burned thousands of them. But a substantial number were back in circulation by the time of the Great Fire of Rome in 64.

He then talks about Hermas as a similarly apocalyptic text “revelatory” of the occult, far less radical but all the more popular, making its advent in Rome shortly before the middle of the second century.

It had developed the idea of apocalypse stage by stage on the basis of contemporary reflections about the possibility of divination by visions. It was released in several stages (probably because of continuing demand), so became a substantive text.

Hermas provides a rare insight into the problems of visionary communication in the presence of others: he had faced the problem shared by every “seer”: how to make his message credible as authentic revelation. The problem was all the more acute for an author who was not backed by an institution, such as a shrine of Asclepius or an oracle. Hermas used an architectural feature that was universally conceivable in perfect or (at least) perfectible form: a tower.

Only occasionally does the author allow the reader to see that he is thinking of followers of Christ, who know what a Sybil is, but perceive her as something other.

Other than whom? Hermas assumed that his first hearers and readers were familiar with Roman institutions, such as the military, and with Italic economy and agriculture. Critical, however, was their being “citizens.” As was typical for citizens of an empire, Hermas’s audience already had what amounted to double citizenship.

They were at the very least inhabitants of Rome, and Hermas was now trying to awaken them to a further relationship with a heavenly city, an alternative to the Jerusalem that was definitively lost. Contemporary texts from the eastern Mediterranean were urging their readers to foresee Rome’s apocalyptic destruction, which they themselves as individuals might bring about by adopting a new lifestyle. To this end, a constant stream of new texts flowed into networks removed from any kind of control by institutions.

Hermas showed how to reveal religious knowledge to individual readers of both sexes; for the battle between good and evil was above all an internal one, requiring intensive practice. He gives his female oracular figure a Roman magisterial throne, and has her accompanied by six youths after the fashion of official attendants.

These were not end-time alternatives, but mental images, conceptions to be nurtured in the here and now.

The text is evidently targeted at individual listeners and readers, to whom he offers the possibility of self-development. It was to this end that he initially sought entry to institutional settings, so as to have his text read out as a heavenly missive within a circle of presbyteroi and episkopoi. ... A woman called Grapte was to read the text out to widows and orphans, and a Clement to disseminate it in letter form.

That recipients urged the author/s on to ever new visions, copied his work, and quickly translated it into Latin and the languages of Syria and Egypt demonstrates the success of this reading therapy aimed at individual transformation within the “congregation” (ekklesia), and at both spiritual and behavioral change (metanoia).

In a subsection titled 'The Roman Empire as a Narrative Framework' Rüpke talked about Valerius Maximus's nine books of Memorable Deeds and Sayings in which Valerius opens with a prayer-like invocation of Augustus Tiberius. The end of the work again makes reference to the ruler or, more precisely, to his virtues of “imperial rectitude” and “the Caesar’s unconquerable fortitude.” By this means, Valerius inserted into the new monarchic order a text that presents countless examples of commendable acts and virtues. For him, the new order of the Principate, reflecting a Republic that he could only imagine, as it already lay beyond his own power of recollection, allowed a glimpse of a kind of treasure house of solid values and individual initiative.

Rüpke then refers to the so-called First Epistle of Clement, written in Rome in the first half of the second century AD, a providing a similar and equally surprising framework, opening with a formula in which the community in Rome recommends the text to the community in Corinth, and understands both of these “people’s assemblies” (ekklesiai) as ephemeral groupings sanctified by God through the Lord Jesus Christ.

In a substantial closing prayer, the author seeks safety and protection, with a nod also to terrestrial rulers and leaders (60.4). Their dominion is then justified theologically (61), before the writer eventually returns to the themes of insurrection and peace (63.1, 3). There is a matter that he initially tries to downplay, but then proceeds to address in his opening remarks, with sadness and inner turmoil (1.1), where he almost unwillingly concedes that the entire retelling of the biblical story, with accompanying ethical reflections, is framed by the imperial reality that both sender and addressee, in Rome and Corinth, share.



eta: I'd say Clement was elevated from the mention in the Shepherd of Hermas as a disseminater of Hermas' epistle, and possibly helped by the mentions of a person of the same name in the Pauline Philippians 4, to be author of his own work and, as Ben argues, elevated to the role of bishop or pope (Clement may have written 1 Clement or other texts, or both, but there does not seem to be any extant evidence of that).
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