How late might the gospels be?

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Stuart
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Re: How late might the gospels be?

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archibald wrote: Sun Jan 14, 2018 4:54 am
Stuart wrote: Sat Jan 13, 2018 7:52 pm
What I am saying here is the Jews in John's Gospel are in fact stand-ins for Jewish Christians, that is those who accept the OT and the Davidic Jesus, who oppose John's own "Gentile" Christian sects version of Jesus, who rejects the Jewish God. This is a mid to late 2nd century debate, not a 1st century debate.
It arguably originates in something that is at the heart of the disagreement between 'Paul' and the Jewish 'christians' he references.

Or do you also place 'Paul' in the 2nd C? If so, still before the gospels? Or what? I'm guessing yes, to both? I'm not asking for a long answer.
Paul belongs in the 2nd century also, all post Bar Kokhba. One must separate the legend of Paul from the writings in his name. The so-called letters are in fact a diverse set of tracts cobbled together, often by similar topic (same is true of the Catholic Hebrews) and them put in the form of letters with formula greetings and closings. Material within them snowballed.

Galatians especially belongs in the era well after the Marcionite Gospel, and after the first edition of Matthew were published, in the later half of Antoninus. The debate about circumcision and Law (of Moses' code vs Roman code "of the peoples") fit the era after Judea is dissolved, and in the aftermath of Antoninus making a provision allowing Jews to circumcise. Further the perverted Gospel is Matthew. When the Pauline letters say Gospel, I have concluded they mean written Gospel, not oral. The letters are parallel to the development of the Gospel, not prior. Again the autobiographical elements, are drawn from apocryphal acts or invented by the writers to fit the established period piece genre of the Gospels. It was a convention, much like the famous heroes and villains of the post civil-War American West, must make an appearance or be mentioned to give placement for a Western novel or movie. But the debate discussed, or the moral being told, is contemporary.

A note on the Pauline collection in Marcionite form. Most probably it did not come together all at once, but accumulated over a couple decades. Unlike the Gospel which appeared in the first decade of the reign of Antoninus, the collection may have not come together in ten letter form until as late as 160 AD. It was not strictly Marcionite, but contained tracts and elements from a variety of what we'd call heretical and Gnostic sources, even with some proto-orthodox elements within.

The story I present is a New Testament that came about from competition between various sects, which can broadly be divided into to two camps, where the nature of the High God and father of Jesus -that is whether he was also the Jewish law giver and the creator or not- was the dividing line. The success of the Marcionite using a Gospel to spread their message forced reactions, first in the form of Matthew, which itself forced a reaction in John, and ultimately in Luke. The letters of Paul derived similarly and were revised like the Gospels. Celsus was quite correct in his claim that Christians came pen in hand, rewriting and adjusting their Scripture to counter whatever arguments of the day.

My model says some of the New Testament books are from the first half of the 3rd century, such as 2 Peter, Jude, 2 & 3 John, possibly James and Hebrews. The only document I believe may have started life in the 1st century was Revelation, but only part of it and as a Jewish document that became Christianized. It was a snowball that in the form we have is probably from very late in the 2nd or the start of the 3rd century. The theology is very different from any of the Gospels or letters. Amazing the diversity of Christianity. But that diversity is what drove competition, and why the NT was put together the way it was. Were there no competition between sects, otherwise the NT might look more like the Koran, a haphazard collection of sayings and legends, and would have been formed over hundreds of years.
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Ben C. Smith
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Re: How late might the gospels be?

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archibald wrote: Sun Jan 14, 2018 2:59 am
Ben C. Smith wrote: Sun Jan 14, 2018 2:29 am it is still hard to figure out what the symbol might be applied to, even if only in Mark's brain.
One who is like a son of man, apparently. As per Daniel.
I am not talking about Mark 13.26. I am talking about, for example (and there are others), the next verse:

Mark 13.27: 27 And then He will send forth the angels, and will gather together His elect from the four winds, from the farthest end of the earth to the farthest end of heaven.

We know what the symbolism for this sort of thing from the Hebrew scriptures means: it means that Israel will be regathered from the far reaches of the inhabited earth and reconstituted as a viable sociopolitical entity in the promised land. But of course nothing like this happened in 70; to the contrary, Israel was now more scattered than ever.

So, if Mark is writing this after the fact, putting prophecies on Jesus' lips which came true, in the symbolic sense known from the Hebrew scriptures, what does he mean by this prediction? Perhaps to his mind the elect are gentiles who have now replaced Jews as God's chosen people; okay, then, what happened in or shortly after 70 (or anytime before Mark was written) to make something true of the gentile church that was not true before? All the other heavy symbolism comes to a decisive head in the destruction of Jerusalem and its temple; in what event or events does this symbolic prediction come to a head? I have found that it is hard to say without sounding like a Christian preterist apologist.

There is a further complication: at some point the resurrection of the dead became tied up with this restoration of Israel to the land, which makes perfect theodical sense: the righteous dead have as much right as, if not more right than, the living to share in the blessings at the consummation of the age. This concept is crystal clear in the book of Daniel:

Daniel 12.1-2: 1 "Now at that time Michael, the great prince who stands guard over the sons of your people, will arise. And there will be a time of distress such as never occurred since there was a nation until that time; and at that time your people, everyone who is found written in the book, will be rescued. 2 Many of those who sleep in the dust of the ground will awake, these to everlasting life, but the others to disgrace and everlasting contempt."

Compare:

Mark 13.19: 19 "For those days will be a time of tribulation such as has not occurred since the beginning of the creation which God created until now, and never will."

So does Mark leave out the resurrection on purpose? That would make sense, if he is writing after 70 and no resurrection occurred at that time. However, what does he mean in 13.27, and does he really envision the greatest tribulation in history to culminate in a gathering of the elect but without the long expected resurrection of the dead, when seemingly everybody else, following Daniel, explicitly links these things?

Didache 16.4-6: 3 For in the last days false prophets and seducers shall be multiplied, and the sheep shall be turned into wolves, and love shall be turned into hate; 4 and because iniquity abounds they shall hate each other, and persecute each other, and deliver each other up; and then shall the Deceiver of the world appear as the Son of God, and shall do signs and wonders, and the earth shall be delivered into his hands; and he shall do unlawful things, such as have never happened since the beginning of the world. 5 Then shall the creation of man come to the fiery trial of proof, and many shall be offended and shall perish; but they who remain in their faith shall be saved by the curse itself. 6 And then shall appear the signs of the truth; first the sign of the appearance in heaven, then the sign of the sound of the trumpet, and thirdly the resurrection of the dead.

1 Thessalonians 4.13-18: 13 But we do not want you to be uninformed, brethren, about those who are asleep, so that you will not grieve as do the rest who have no hope. 14 For if we believe that Jesus died and rose again, even so God will bring with Him those who have fallen asleep in Jesus. 15 For this we say to you by the word of the Lord, that we who are alive and remain until the coming of the Lord will not precede those who have fallen asleep. 16 For the Lord Himself will descend from heaven with a shout, with the voice of the archangel and with the trumpet of God, and the dead in Christ will rise first. 17 Then we who are alive and remain will be caught up together with them in the clouds to meet the Lord in the air, and so we shall always be with the Lord. 18 Therefore comfort one another with these words.

Matthew 8.11: 11 "And I say to you, that many shall come from east and west, and recline at the table with Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob in the kingdom of heaven."

Matthew 22.31-32: 31 "But regarding the resurrection of the dead, have you not read that which was spoken to you by God, saying, 32 'I am the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob?' He is not the God of the dead but of the living."

Luke 13.28: 28 "There will be weeping and gnashing of teeth there when you see Abraham and Isaac and Jacob and all the prophets in the kingdom of God, but yourselves being cast out.

Luke 20.37-38: 37 "But that the dead are raised, even Moses showed, in the passage about the burning bush, where he calls the Lord the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob. 38 Now He is not the God of the dead, but of the living; for all live to Him."

So, on the one hand, it would make good sense for Mark to divorce the idea of resurrection from the gathering of the elect, since no resurrection took place. On the other, however, what kind of meaning, symbolic or otherwise, does that leave for 13.27? What happened in or near 70 to make that prediction come true in a way that was not already true before?

In short, Archibald, I think you are wrong about the symbolism and the fall of Jerusalem; given the many instances of similar symbolism in the Hebrew scriptures, the signs in the heavens and the coming of the son of man could easily symbolize the events of 70. But I think you are right to still be skeptical overall, since there are parts of Mark 13 which do not easily yield to the same kind of symbolism. Verse 27 is just one example.
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Kapyong
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Re: How late might the gospels be?

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Gday Ben C. Smith :)
Kapyong wrote: Sat Jan 13, 2018 2:54 pmI was refering to Hermann Detering's argument that this is about Emperor Hadrian trying to place a statue of Jupiter in the (ruined) Temple, which sparked the Bar Kokhba revolt of 132-135 AD.
https://web.archive.org/web/20080227161 ... %20JHC.pdf
Ben C. Smith wrote: Sun Jan 14, 2018 1:38 am I am familiar. Thanks. Are you aware of the tentative nature of the evidence for that eventuality (for Hadrian trying to place a statue on the Temple Mount)?
Well, I'm more aware now; seems I over-stated the strength of this argument. Over-eager to contribute to this interesting subject, even if out of my pay-grade.

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Re: How late might the gospels be?

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Re: How late might the gospels be?

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Re: How late might the gospels be?

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Kapyong wrote: Sun Jan 14, 2018 1:39 pm Gday Ben C. Smith :)
Kapyong wrote: Sat Jan 13, 2018 2:54 pmI was refering to Hermann Detering's argument that this is about Emperor Hadrian trying to place a statue of Jupiter in the (ruined) Temple, which sparked the Bar Kokhba revolt of 132-135 AD.
https://web.archive.org/web/20080227161 ... %20JHC.pdf
Ben C. Smith wrote: Sun Jan 14, 2018 1:38 am I am familiar. Thanks. Are you aware of the tentative nature of the evidence for that eventuality (for Hadrian trying to place a statue on the Temple Mount)?
Well, I'm more aware now; seems I over-stated the strength of this argument. Over-eager to contribute to this interesting subject, even if out of my pay-grade.

Kapyong
Does Detering say that Hadrian tried to place a statue on the Temple Mount?
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Re: How late might the gospels be?

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I'll ask Dr. Detering directly today if he still holds that view. It was paper from almost two decades ago when he wrote that.

I think he was flat wrong about the statue for two basic reasons:
1) there is no evidence at all that Hadrian placed statues of himself in front of any temples. But there is strong evidence Antoninus did, as part of his several year campaign to get his predecessor deified by a Senate that despised Hadrian (hence he was named Pius for his filial piety)
2) there is strong evidence the Roman temples where statues would have been placed in Aelia Capitolina were not on Temple Mount, but within the walls of the city (the location of the square where the Roman temples were is actually pretty obvious from the Madaba map - why place it on an empty hill where nobody could see it behind that wall?).

All that really does is suggest the passage is more likely drawn from Antiochus IV Epiphanes episode projected as a repeated history to come. If it is about Bar Kokhba era, then that the myth of an equestrian statue of Hadrian may well have dated from as early as the middle of the reign of Antoninus.
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Re: How late might the gospels be?

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Gday neilgodfrey :)
neilgodfrey wrote: Sun Jan 14, 2018 3:16 pmDoes Detering say that Hadrian tried to place a statue on the Temple Mount?
He doesn't say 'statue' explicitly, but he does refer to arguments over erecting :
  • a temple to Zeus,
  • the image of the emperor.
Herman Detering, The Synoptic Apocalypse, p187 wrote:It is most often thought that the Roman emperor Hadrian (117-138) provoked the conflict through his prohibition of circumcision in 127 and his announcement that he wished to erect a temple for Jupiter on the place where once the Jewish temple stood. (53) In Jewish traditions it is often claimed that Hadrian had promised to rebuild the old temple, (54) but was prevented by intrigues of the Samaritans. (55)
In our immediate context, it is a matter of indifference why the war started. Decisive is the fact that during his trip through his Eastern provinces in 130 Hadrian came to Jerusalem and issued the order to construct the city of Aelia Capitolina and to erect a temple for Zeus. As long as Hadrian remained in his eastern provinces, peace reigned. But once the emperor had passed through Syria and Pontus to Greece the uprising under the leadership of Bar Kochba (132-35) began, since the Jews especially regarded the construction of a temple to Zeus (and the image of the emperor) on holy ground as an intolerable provocation, which reminded them of a traumatic event from their past: the “desolating sacrilege,” i.e., the consecration of a temple dedicated to Zeus Olympios in Jerusalem by the Seleucid king Antiochus the IV Epiphanes in 168 BCE.
(53) Dio Cassius 69.12 (131 CE) :

At Jerusalem he founded a city in place of the one which had been razed to the ground, naming it Aelia Capitolina, and on the site of the temple of the god he raised a new temple to Jupiter. This brought on a war of no slight importance nor of brief duration, for the Jews deemed it intolerable that foreign races should be settled in their city and foreign religious rites planted there. So long, indeed, as Hadrian was close by in Egypt and again in Syria, they remained quiet, save in so far as they purposely made of poor quality such weapons as they were called upon to furnish, in order that the Romans might reject them and they themselves might thus have the use of them; but when he went farther away, they openly revolted.

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Re: How late might the gospels be?

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Dio is not from 131 AD, but much later. But he does place the founding of Aelia Capitolina from about that date, and this fits with Numismatic evidence of the founding of Aelia Capitolina right before the revolt.

Dio's Ῥωμαϊκὴ Ἱστορία was written around 229 AD (at least that is the last date of events in the work), a century later than the founding of Aelia Capitolina. And the work we have is "republished" from the 11th century by Xiphilinus, and so we may not be looking a Dio statement at all.

Dio's (or perhaps Xiphilinus) report is flat wrong on the temple placement. I would point you to the archeological and literary work of modern Jewish scholars such as Dr. Yaron Z. Eliav's (University of Michigan) article and the correct map he provided me from Urban Layout of Aelia Capitolina: A New View from the Perspective of the Temple Mount, Peter Schäfer’s 2003 The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered (I have a pdf copy, but I am not allowed to share it, so you'll need to get Schäfer's book yourself I'm afraid). I can give the reproduction of his map, with my colorization for clarity:

https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B75F1h ... sp=sharing

Also look at Ra‘anan Boustan (associate Professor UCLA) on circumcision http://www.history.ucla.edu/sites/defau ... kokhba.pdf and this footnote from one of my papers, referring to Dr. Menaham Mor
Jewish scholar Dr. Menaham Mor, Are there Any New Factors Concerning the Bar Kokhba Revolt?, Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica XVIII, 2012, 161-193 (http://saa.uaic.ro/articles/SAA.18.2012.161-193.pdf), points out that Joannes Xiphilinus, the 11th century epitomator of Cassius Dio, had a clear agenda for adding the phrase "for the Jews deemed it intolerable that foreign races should be settled in their city and foreign religious rites planted there" (Ἰουδαῖοι γὰρ δεινόν τι ποιούμενοι τὸ ἀλλοφύλους τινὰς ἐς τὴν πόλιν σφῶν οἰκισθῆναι καὶ τὸ ἱερὰ ἀλλότρια ἐν αὐτῇ ἱδρυθῆναι) which Mor says is not Dio's. While I mostly agree, the passage which precedes need some examination. It is highly unlikely Dio would have referred to the destroyed Jewish Temple with such reverence to make the statement, "and on the site of the temple of the god he raised a new temple to another deity" (καὶ ἐς τὸν τοῦ ναοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ τόπον ναὸν τῷ Διὶ ἕτερον). So I think the phrase about the Temple must be removed, as it suggests primacy of the Jewish and Christian God, and Jupiter is referred to as merely as "another deity". Also it has been demonstrated that no Temple was built on the Temple Mount, and Dio would know that. But something had to have been said to after it started a War. I think it is the phrase "for the Jews found it intolerable" (Ἰουδαῖοι γὰρ δεινόν τι ποιούμενοι) referring obliquely to the burden of taxation to pay for the new Polis.
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Re: How late might the gospels be?

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Kapyong wrote: Sun Jan 14, 2018 4:55 pm Gday neilgodfrey :)
neilgodfrey wrote: Sun Jan 14, 2018 3:16 pmDoes Detering say that Hadrian tried to place a statue on the Temple Mount?
He doesn't say 'statue' explicitly, but he does refer to arguments over erecting :
  • a temple to Zeus,
  • the image of the emperor.
Granted the lack of evidence for Hadrian erecting a temple/placing of image in temple, I had somehow for some reason understood that Hadrian promoted himself as a reincarnated Antiochus Epiphanes and that plausibly had something to do with the rumours and "fake news" of a repeat of the Antiochus episodes. But it is all distant memory to me now. Do you know what the evidence is for Antiochus promoting himself as Antiochus Epiphanes redivivus?
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